{From Camel Trader to Warlord: The Rise of a Man Who Now Commands Fifty Percent of Sudan

The Sudanese commander known as Hemedti, once earned his living dealing in livestock and precious metals. Currently, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces hold sway over nearly half of the Sudanese territory.

Seizing Power in Darfur

The RSF recently achieved a notable victory by capturing the city of el-Fasher, which was the final army garrison in the Darfur area.

Hated and dreaded by his enemies, Hemedti is admired by his supporters for his tenacity and his vow to dismantle the corrupt state.

Modest Origins

Hemedti's origins are modest. He comes from the Mahariya section of the Rizeigat tribe, an Arabic-speaking group that straddles the Chad-Sudan border region.

His birth year is approximately 1975, like many from rural areas, his date and place of birth were never recorded.

Guided by his uncle Juma Dagolo, his clan moved to Darfur in the 1970s and 80s, fleeing conflict and in search of greener pastures.

Initial Ventures

After leaving school in his early teens, Hemedti began earning by trading camels across the Sahara to Libya and Egypt.

During that period, Darfur was a lawless frontier—impoverished, neglected by the government of then-President Bashir.

Local armed groups known as the Janjawid attacked villages of the indigenous Fur, triggering a full-scale rebellion in 2003.

Rise Through Violence

In response, Bashir greatly enlarged the Janjaweed to lead his counter-insurgency campaign. They soon became infamous for widespread atrocities.

Hemedti's unit was among them, implicated in attacking the village of Adwah in late 2004, claiming the lives of over a hundred individuals, including dozens of minors.

International inquiries concluded that the Janjaweed were responsible for genocide.

Calculated Moves

In the years following the peak of violence in 2004, Hemedti astutely managed his ascent to become leader of a influential militia, a corporate empire, and a political organization.

He briefly mutinied, demanding unpaid salaries for his fighters, promotions, and a government role for his sibling. Bashir granted most of his demands.

Subsequently, when other Janjaweed units rebelled, Hemedti commanded government forces that defeated them, gaining control Darfur's largest artisanal gold mine at Jabel Amir.

Rapidly, his business venture al-Gunaid became the top gold exporter in Sudan.

Institutionalizing Influence

By 2013, Hemedti asked for and received formal status as head of the newly formed Rapid Support Forces, reporting directly to Bashir.

The Janjaweed were integrated into the RSF, getting modern equipment and training.

International Connections

Hemedti's forces engaged in Darfur, performed less successfully in the Nuba Mountains, and took on a role to police the Libyan frontier.

Ostensibly stopping illegal crossings, Hemedti's commanders also excelled at corruption and human smuggling.

By 2015, Gulf nations asked Sudanese troops for the war in Yemen. Hemedti struck his own agreement to provide RSF mercenaries.

His ties with the UAE proved highly significant, marking the start of a strong alliance with UAE officials.

Expanding Influence

Young Sudanese men trekked to RSF recruiting centers for signing bonuses of up to $6,000.

Hemedti struck a partnership with the Russian Wagner organization, gaining expertise in exchange for commercial dealings, particularly in gold.

He visited Moscow coincided with the day of the invasion of Ukraine.

Political Betrayal

As protests grew, Bashir ordered Hemedti's units to the city of Khartoum, dubbing him "my protector".

It was a miscalculation. In April 2019, when demonstrators called for change, Bashir instructed troops to shoot. Instead, the military leaders overthrew him.

For a time, Hemedti was celebrated as a new leader for Sudan. He attempted to rebrand, but that lasted only weeks.

Return to Violence

When power wasn't transferred, Hemedti deployed his forces, which killed hundreds, raped women, and allegedly executed men in the River Nile.

Hemedti has rejected that the RSF committed atrocities.

Under foreign pressure, the military and civil leaders agreed to a compromise, leading to an unstable coexistence for several years.

Current Conflict

As an investigation started looking into army businesses, Burhan and Hemedti dismissed the civilians and took control.

But they fell out. Burhan demanded the RSF be integrated into the military. Hemedti refused.

In April 2023, RSF units attempted to seize key bases in the capital. The takeover effort was unsuccessful, and fighting erupted city-wide.

Conflict intensified in Darfur, with the RSF launching brutal attacks against the Masalit community.

International organizations report up to 15,000 civilian deaths, with the US describing it genocide.

Current Status

The RSF has acquired modern weapons, including sophisticated drones, used to strike Burhan's stronghold and crucial in the capture of el-Fasher.

With this weaponry, the RSF is in a deadlock with the national military.

Hemedti has formed a parallel government, the so-called unity government, taking the chairmanship.

With the capture of al-Fasher, the RSF now holds the majority of populated areas in western Sudan.

Following reports of mass killings, Hemedti announced a probe into abuses perpetrated by his fighters.

Sudanese speculate Hemedti envisions himself as president of a breakaway state or still aims to control the entire country.

Alternatively, he may emerge as a behind-the-scenes power broker, controlling a vast network of interests.

While Hemedti's troops commit violence in al-Fasher, he seems assured of impunity in a global community that overlooks.

Daniel Oconnor
Daniel Oconnor

Financial analyst with over a decade of experience in Dutch banking sectors, specializing in market trends and regulatory changes.